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Background and history of the Jahalin communities
In the eastern periphery of Jerusalem, there are about 750 families from the Jahalin tribe living in about 30 Bedouin communities. The most famous of the communities is Al-Khan al-Ahmar, which has become a symbol of resistance to attempts to expel Palestinian residents from Area C. Other communities from the Jahalin tribe live in various areas of the West Bank, and some live in the Negev, inside the Green Line, and their members hold Israeli citizenship.
The information on this site refers to the Jahalin communities living in the Jerusalem area, all of which are not recognized by the state, and whose homes have demolition orders pending. The tribe holds Palestinian Authority citizenship, but in Area C the Authority has no powers regarding land and planning, so control is in the hands of Israel and supervision over them is exercised in practice by the Civil Administration - an Israeli military body operating in the territories. However, as with the other Palestinians in Area C, Israel does not provide civil services to the Jahalin communities, and they are in a twilight zone with almost no medical, welfare, cultural, or educational services.
On the map: Bedouin communities in the northern Judean desert, the vast majority of whom are from the Jahalin tribe

How did the Bedouins arrive in the area?
The Jahalin tribe arrived in the Judean Desert after being expelled by the State of Israel in the early 1950s from Tel Arad in the Negev, where they had lived for centuries. Initially, the communities wandered through the region and settled in an area that was then under Jordanian control, with the approval of the then landowners from Manatah. Since 1967, this area has been under the full responsibility of the State of Israel. In his books and articles, Dr. Yaron Ovadia, a guide and researcher of the Bedouin population in the Land of Israel, notes that Bedouins lived in the country as early as the Second Temple period (around 500 BCE). At that time, they lived in the land of the Nabataeans, who were Bedouin tribes who came from the depths of the Arabian deserts and lived a nomadic life in the Negev and beyond the Jordan. A mention of the presence of the Bedouins in the Land of Israel appears in the writings of Josephus. The tribes that exist today were formed over the centuries since then and include four large tribes in the Negev, including the Jahalin. According to Ovadia's writings, part of the Jahalin tribe wandered in the Judean Desert about 200 years before the establishment of the State of Israel, as the tribe had territories in the Tel Arad area and in the southern Judean Desert.
The life of the Bedouins in the Judean Desert
Until the mid-20th century, the Bedouins migrated throughout the region according to the seasons, and from the early 1970s, after the occupation of the West Bank by Israel, the movement of the communities was reduced, so that the Bedouins finally settled in various areas in the Judean Desert. The transition occurred as a result of the reduction of the Bedouin's living areas and their displacement from their traditional grazing areas, by the Israeli settlement that developed since 1967. In addition, no-fly zones and nature reserves were declared, sometimes deliberately as a tactic to close areas to the communities (according to the Jahalin report) .
In the years 1975-1977, approximately 30,000 dunams were expropriated in the northern Judean Desert, including extensive private areas of residents of the village of Anata (map attached). The Mishor Adumim industrial zone and the city of Ma'ale Adumim were built on these lands, among others. Al-Khan al-Ahmar was also included in the expropriated area, and the community members, who had originally lived there with the permission of the landowners – Palestinians from Anata – found themselves on land that the state had expropriated and was refusing to give them permission for residential buildings. After another 25 years, the municipal area of Kfar Adumim was expanded by a general order, and thus the areas on which some of the nearby Jahalin communities lived became part of the municipal area of Kfar Adumim, all without them moving from their current location. Ironically, right-wing organizations are leading a campaign against the legitimacy of the Bedouin yeshiva in their place, claiming that it is the Jahalin people who are taking over the lands of Kfar Adumim.
On the Map:
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Solid yellow shading: Palestinian privately-owned lands
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Outlined yellow areas: Palestinian private lands that were expropriated in 1975

Over the years, a number of illegal Israeli agricultural farms and outposts have been established within a few hundred meters of the Jahalin and Khan-al-Ahmar communities, exerting pressure on the Bedouin communities. This organized effort around the Jahalin communities draws its roots from a strategy outlined in the foundational document of Kfar Adumim, dating back to 1978. The document states: "In the region, there are numerous Bedouin groups who are also engaged in agricultural activities... Bedouin residences must be closed and evacuated from the area... Wadi Kelt must be designated as a nature reserve... the expansion of Arab/rural settlements should be prevented by the administrative closure of the area of the Arab villages... a chain of Jewish settlements should be established to disrupt the continuity of Arab settlements.” (Foundational document of Kfar Adumim, 1979)
It has become evident that, over time, this vision has materialized into reality. The introduction of demarcation lines into planning policies within the northern Judean Desert has effectively limited Bedouin construction options to the developed area of the Palestinian settlements (such as Anata, Abu Dis, or Jericho), which are ill-suited for the traditional desert lifestyle of the Bedouin. Wadi Kelt was designated as a nature reserve, and Kfar Adumim pursued legal action in the High Court to prohibit Bedouin grazing activity in the area. The movement of herds beyond a narrow strip of land encircling the communities incites reactions from park rangers who sometimes take forceful measures to drive the shepherds away.
At present, most Bedouins from the Jahalin tribe reside in makeshift huts and modest shacks, while living under the constant threat of demolition. Despite the absence of migration, the tribe maintains a Bedouin lifestyle, preserving all of the rules of tradition and ceremony, while shepherding their flocks of sheep and keeping their distance from urban environments. Nonetheless, the shift to permanent settlement has altered their way of life, exposing them to modern technology and communication tools. While most still cook over an open fire, modern cooking utensils are also used, and here and there families have taken on vegetable gardening. In the past, each family owned its own flock of sheep, but due to the dwindling grazing areas, many Bedouins can no longer afford to sustain herds. The displacement of the Bedouins from traditional grazing areas has impacted their sources of livelihood, and many are forced to seek employment in manual labor, agriculture, and services. Some Bedouins have entered the tourism sector, working in roadside shops, tourist attractions, and sometimes as drivers. The decline in the viability of animal husbandry as a livelihood, a practice sustained for centuries, has led to an increase in unemployment and poverty rates within the community.
Simultaneously, there has been an encouraging rise in the prevalence of education among the younger Bedouin generation. The majority of elementary-age Bedouin children attend school, where the curriculum and teachers fall under the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority, in accordance with the obligations stipulated by the Oslo Accords. There are two elementary schools that serve the Jahalin population – one in Wadi Abu Hindi and another in Khan-al-Ahmar, while a fraction of students study in Jericho and in Abu Dis. Secondary education remains absent in these communities, with only a minority of adolescents, predominantly boys, pursuing high school studies. An even smaller minority continue to university, due to high tuition fees and the need to earn a living.
The expansion of education within the Bedouin community has also led to the advancement of women’s roles. Increasingly, women are gaining access to education and integrating into the work force, marking a significant step forward in their status.





