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Background and History of the Jahalin Communities
The members of the Jahalin tribe live in approximately 30 small Bedouin communities scattered across the northern region of the Judean desert, comprising 750 families, or 3,500 individuals. Half of these communities are positioned along routes such as the Jerusalem-Jericho Road and road 437 (extending from Hizma to the Mishor Adumim junction). Others are located in proximity to Jericho, Anata, and the areas encompassing Al-Azaria and Ma'ale Adumim.
The most prominent of these settlements is Khan-al-Ahmar, which has earned widespread recognition as a symbol of resistance against efforts to forcibly displace Palestinian inhabitants from Area C. Other communities within the Jahalin tribe reside in the Negev region, situated within the borders defined by the Green Line, and the individuals living there hold Israeli citizenship.
The information provided on this website refers exclusively to the Jahalin communities situated in the northern Judean Desert – none of whom are officially recognized by the State and, as a result, for whom impending demolition orders loom over their homes. Despite being citizens of the Palestinian Authority, these tribe members find themselves in an intricate situation within Area C. The Authority has no foothold there and, instead, the Israeli Civil Administration, a military entity that operates within the territories, acts as a sovereign. In contrast to other Palestinians residing in Area C, the Jahalin communities encounter a distinct reality. They inhabit an ambiguous space almost entirely devoid of the essential amenities of any functioning society - including medical, welfare, educational and cultural services - as Israel does not provide civil services to the Jahalin communities.
On the map: Bedouin communities in the northern Judean desert, the vast majority of whom are from the Jahalin tribe
How did the Bedouin arrive to the region?
The members of the Jahalin tribe arrived to the Judean Desert after being expelled by the State of Israel in the early 1950s from Tel Arad in the Negev, where they had lived for hundreds of years. The communities migrated to the region, settling in an area that was then under Jordanian control, with the approval of the local landowners from Anata. Since 1967, this territory has been under the full jurisdiction of the State of Israel.
In his books and articles, Dr. Yaron Ovadia, a tour guide and researcher of the Bedouin population in the Land of Israel, points out that Bedouins lived in the Land as early as the days of the Second Temple (around 500 BC). During this period, the Nabateans, Bedouin tribes originating from the Arabian deserts, lived in Israel and established a nomadic lifestyle in the Negev and across the Jordan. Accounts of Flavius Josephus attest to the presence of Bedouin communities in the Land of Israel.
The Bedouin tribes that persist today gradually evolved over centuries, comprising four major tribes in the Negev, among them the Jahalin. According to Ovadia's research, segments of the Jahalin tribe roamed the Judean Desert roughly two centuries prior to Israel’s establishment as a state, as the tribe held territories encompassing the area of Tel Arad and the southern expanse of the Judean Desert.
Life of the Bedouins in the Judean Desert
Until the mid-20th century, the Bedouins migrated partially or wholly. Starting from the 1970s, the communities gradually transitioned to permanent settlements in various locations across the Judean Desert.
The shift in lifestyle was brought on by the contraction of the Bedouin's living areas and their displacement from traditional grazing areas – a consequence of the expansion of Israeli settlements in the area since 1967. In addition, fire-prone zones and nature reserves were occasionally declared, as a deliberate tactic to restrict access for the Bedouin communities (according to the Jahalin Report). These changes led to the discontinuation of Bedouin migrations in the area, with only the shepherds opting to remain distanced from the settlements.
Between 1975-1977, approximately 30,000 dunams of land were expropriated in the northern Judean desert, including substantial, privately-owned plots belonging to the residents of Anata village (see maps). Among other things, this land was used for the construction of the Mishor Adumim industrial area and the city of Ma'ale Adumim. Khan-al-Ahmar was also included in this expropriated territory. Members of the community, who initially settled there with the permission of the Palestinian landowners from Anata, found themselves on land now claimed by the state and were refused permission to construct residential buildings. Over the subsequent 25 years, the municipal territory of Kfar Adumim was expanded through a general order, and areas in which some of the nearby Jahalin communities lived became part of the municipal territory of Kfar Adumim. This occurred without the Bedouin communities moving even a meter. Ironically, various right-wing organizations are leading a campaign against the legitimacy of the Bedouin settlements in these locations, claiming that it is the Jahalin who are encroaching upon the lands of Kfar Adumim.
On the Map:
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Solid yellow shading: Palestinian privately-owned lands
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Outlined yellow areas: Palestinian private lands that were expropriated in 1975
Over the years, a number of illegal Israeli agricultural farms and outposts have been established within a few hundred meters of the Jahalin and Khan-al-Ahmar communities, exerting pressure on the Bedouin communities. This organized effort around the Jahalin communities draws its roots from a strategy outlined in the foundational document of Kfar Adumim, dating back to 1978. The document states: "In the region, there are numerous Bedouin groups who are also engaged in agricultural activities... Bedouin residences must be closed and evacuated from the area... Wadi Kelt must be designated as a nature reserve... the expansion of Arab/rural settlements should be prevented by the administrative closure of the area of the Arab villages... a chain of Jewish settlements should be established to disrupt the continuity of Arab settlements.” (Foundational document of Kfar Adumim, 1979)
It has become evident that, over time, this vision has materialized into reality. The introduction of demarcation lines into planning policies within the northern Judean Desert has effectively limited Bedouin construction options to the developed area of the Palestinian settlements (such as Anata, Abu Dis, or Jericho), which are ill-suited for the traditional desert lifestyle of the Bedouin. Wadi Kelt was designated as a nature reserve, and Kfar Adumim pursued legal action in the High Court to prohibit Bedouin grazing activity in the area. The movement of herds beyond a narrow strip of land encircling the communities incites reactions from park rangers who sometimes take forceful measures to drive the shepherds away.
At present, most Bedouins from the Jahalin tribe reside in makeshift huts and modest shacks, while living under the constant threat of demolition. Despite the absence of migration, the tribe maintains a Bedouin lifestyle, preserving all of the rules of tradition and ceremony, while shepherding their flocks of sheep and keeping their distance from urban environments. Nonetheless, the shift to permanent settlement has altered their way of life, exposing them to modern technology and communication tools. While most still cook over an open fire, modern cooking utensils are also used, and here and there families have taken on vegetable gardening. In the past, each family owned its own flock of sheep, but due to the dwindling grazing areas, many Bedouins can no longer afford to sustain herds. The displacement of the Bedouins from traditional grazing areas has impacted their sources of livelihood, and many are forced to seek employment in manual labor, agriculture, and services. Some Bedouins have entered the tourism sector, working in roadside shops, tourist attractions, and sometimes as drivers. The decline in the viability of animal husbandry as a livelihood, a practice sustained for centuries, has led to an increase in unemployment and poverty rates within the community.
Simultaneously, there has been an encouraging rise in the prevalence of education among the younger Bedouin generation. The majority of elementary-age Bedouin children attend school, where the curriculum and teachers fall under the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority, in accordance with the obligations stipulated by the Oslo Accords. There are two elementary schools that serve the Jahalin population – one in Wadi Abu Hindi and another in Khan-al-Ahmar, while a fraction of students study in Jericho and in Abu Dis. Secondary education remains absent in these communities, with only a minority of adolescents, predominantly boys, pursuing high school studies. An even smaller minority continue to university, due to high tuition fees and the need to earn a living.
The expansion of education within the Bedouin community has also led to the advancement of women’s roles. Increasingly, women are gaining access to education and integrating into the work force, marking a significant step forward in their status.